.

[1]. This work was supported by «REGINET: Redes de poder y autoridad de reinas e infantas en las monarquías ibéricas (1350–1500)” (reference CIGE 2023/030), a project for emerging research groups funded by the Generalitat Valenciana and led by Lledó Ruiz Domingo.

[2]. «El aparador de la señora reyna estava puesto muy luzidamente, aunque estava la plata muy apretada, que, aviendo mucha para tres gradas la pusieron en dos; pero mucha e muy buena e muy lusida paresçio a todos los que venían a verlo. Y menester fue avella puesto: que, como no han puesto ninguna ves despues que venieron a esta çibdad, ya desian algunos que la señora reyna no traya plata, y la que se puso en Alcaçar do Sal, quando se caso, hera de V. As., y que la avian traydo alli para hazer muestra y que desde alli la avian buelto para Castilla.» ANTONIO DE LA TORRE AND LUIS SUÁREZ FERNÁNDEZ (eds.): Documentos referentes a las relaciones con Portugal durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos, Valladolid, CSIC, 1963, vol. 3, n. 497, p. 79.

[3]. Concerning the names of the figures mentioned in this article, we have chosen to retain the form used in the realms over which they ruled: Maria, Manuel, Leonor and Isabel in Portugal, Isabel, Fernando and Juana in Castile, Philippe in Burgundy, Catherine in England.

[4]. ANA MARIA S. A. RODRIGUES AND INÊS OLAIA: «L’expressió territorial del poder reginal a Portugal: els itineraris de les reines, d’Elionor de Lancaster (n. 1458–m. 1525) a Elionor d’Àustria (n. 1498–m. 1558)», Recerques, 81, 2022, pp. 144–145.

[5]. ÁNGELA MUÑOZ FERNÁNDEZ: «La casa delle regine. Un spazio politico nella Castiglia del Quattrocento», Genesis. Rivista della Società Italiana delle Storiche, 1–2, 2002, p. 83.

[6]. FELICITY HEAL: The Power of Gifts: Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2014.

[7]. MARIAH PROCTOR-TIFFANY: «Transported as a Rare Object of Distinction: The Gift-Giving of Clemence of Hungary, Queen of France», Journal of Medieval History, 41–2, 2015, pp. 202–228; TRACY ADAMS: «Anne de France and Gift-Giving: The Exercise of Female Power», in Susan Broomhall (ed.), Women and Power at the French Court, 1483–1563, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2018, pp. 65–83; CAROLE LEVIN: «Queen Elizabeth and the Power and Language of the Gift», in Donatella Montini and Iolanda Plescia (eds.), Elizabeth I in Writing: Language, Power and Representation in Early Modern England, Cham, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 213–232; MICHELE SEAH: «Gifts and Rewards: Exploring the Expenditure of Late Medieval English Queens», Journal of Medieval History, 50–5, 2024, pp. 581–597.

[8]. A brief biography of her was written by ISABEL DOS GUIMARÃES SÁ: «Duas irmãs», in Isabel dos Guimarães Sá and Michel Combet: Rainhas consortes de D. Manuel I. Isabel de Castela. Maria de Castela. Leonor de Áustria, Lisbon, Círculo de Leitores, 2012, pp. 124-163. More recently, her material possessions have become the subject of several studies within the field of Art History. See MIGUEL ÁNGEL ZALAMA: «Lujo y ostentación. El tesoro de María de Aragón y Castilla, esposa de Manuel I de Portugal», Goya. Revista de Arte, 358, 2017, pp. 3–19; MIGUEL ÁNGEL ZALAMA: «Las hijas de los reyes católicos. Magnificencia y patronazgo de cuatro reinas», in Concha Lomba Serrano et al., Las mujeres y el universo de las artes, Zaragoza, Institución «Fernando el Católico», 2020, pp. 31–53; MELANIA SOLER MORATÓN: «‘Rreyna de Portogal e de los Algarbes, de aquende y de allende la mar en África, señora de Guinea e de la conquista e navegación’: María Trastámara, segunda esposa de Manuel I de Portugal, y las artes», in Noelia García Pérez (ed.), Isabel la Católica y sus hijas: El patronazgo artístico de las últimas Trastámara, Murcia, Universidad de Murcia, 2020, pp. 117–145; ISABEL ESCALERA FERNÁNDEZ: «Lujo y consumo suntuario como expresión de la magnificencia regia a través de las dotes de las infantas durante el reinado de Isabel I», De Medio Aevo, 14-1, 2025, pp. 15–26.

[9]. SÁ: «D. Maria», pp. 120–123.

[10]. INÊS SOFIA LOURENÇO OLAIA: «Pela Graça de Deus Rainha de Portugal»: Funções e Práticas da Reginalidade no Portugal Medieval, PhD Thesis, University of Lisbon, 2025, pp. 164–165, among others.

[11]. Something noticeable in her last will. Queen Maria wrote it herself and noted that her daughters should marry outside the kingdom and with people of appropriate social status. To supplement her request, she added «Remember, your highness, how many misfortunes your sister has endured for marrying in the kingdom» («E lémbrese Su Alteza cuántas fortunas tyne pasadas sua irmana por casar en o reyno.» NICOLÁS ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos de las hijas de los Reyes Católicos: Maria (segunda parte)», De Medio Aevo, 10–2, 2016, n. 93, p. 287). Queen Maria is likely referring to the accusations of attempting against King João II’s life raised against Queen Leonor’s family members. The situation ended in multiple deaths, including the assassination of the queen’s eldest brother.

[12]. ANTT, Corpo Cronológico, Parte I, mç. 22, doc. 30.

[13]. Archivo Provincial Histórico de la Comunidad de Padres Franciscanos de Zarauz, Convento de Zarauz, Obras curiosas, n. 1803, henceforth referred to in abbreviated form as M. (Manuscript).

[14]. NICOLÁS ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos de las hijas de los Reyes Católicos: Maria (primera parte)», De Medio Aevo, 9–1, 2016, n. 12, pp. 152–169 and ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, pp. 281–290.

[15]. Titled «Book of Residents of Queen Maria’s Household, second wife of King Manuel, when she died» [Livro dos Moradores da Casa da Rainha D. Maria, Segunda mulher do Rey D. Manoel, no tempo em que faleceo], it is an appendix to a list of residents of the king’s household, dated from the first quarter of 1518. ANTÓNIO CAETANO DE SOUSA: Provas da Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza, Tomo II, Lisboa Occidental: Na Officina Sylviana da Academia Real, 1739, pp. 374–380.

[16]. These letters and charters, as well as other sources, are systematised in the list of the household members for Queen Maria’s household that can be found in: OLAIA: «Pela Graça», pp. 676–719. Any specific sources will be quoted as needed.

[17]. On this account book and its author, see: F. BORJA AGUINAGALDE: «Ochoa Álvarez de Isasaga, Entre Portugal y Castilla. Tesorero y Secretario de la Reina Maria. Agente de Fernando el católico (1500-1509)», Armas e Troféus, IX série, 24, 2022, pp. 4-94.

[18]. On Portuguese royal testaments, see: SAUL ANTÓNIO GOMES: «The Wills of the Kings of Portugal between the 12th and 14th centuries», in Testaments as Historical Documents: Papers From the 17th Congress of the Commission Internationale de Diplomatie, Stockholm, The Institute for Legal History, 2025, pp. 236–256.

[19]. ANA MARIA S. A. RODRIGUES: «Royal Marriages and the Circulation of People, Objects and Ideas in Medieval Europe», in Maria Alessandra Bilotta (ed.), Medieval Europe in Motion, Palermo, Officina di Studi Medievali, 2018, pp. 23–26.

[20]. M., fols. 66v.–67r.; original in RBPRM, IBIS RB II/3284, doc. 2. See: INÊS OLAIA AND ANA MARIA S. A. RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure: The Household Accounts of Maria of Castile and Aragon, Queen of Portugal, in 1501-1508», Journal of Medieval History, 50–5, 2024, pp. 654–655.

[21]. OLAIA, «Pela Graça», pp. 676–719.

[22]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (primera parte)», n. 9, p. 160.

[23]. DIANA PELAZ FLORES states they were introduced in Castile from Portugal when Joana of Portugal (1439-1475) married Enrique IV («Introduction. The Iberian Queen’s Households: Dynamics, Social Strategies, and Royal Power», Royal Studies Journal, 10–1, 2023, p. 4). Yet no evidence of continos was found in any Portuguese medieval queens’ household up to Queen Maria.

[24]. OLAIA, «Pela Graça», pp. 245–246.

[25]. OLAIA, «Pela Graça», pp. 245–246, 676–719. Notably, the queen’s mordomo is switched for a Portuguese; her household overseers are always Portuguese, along with the secretary. In some posts, such as those of female servants (moças de câmara), the queen might have incorporated Portuguese young ladies into her service; in other cases, Castilians might have been slowly replaced by Portuguese, as in the category of homens da câmara (male servants), for example. Other posts seem to have disappeared, such as the aforementioned master of ceremonies (mestre-sala) and the ladies’ meet carver (trinchante das damas). A full study of Queen Maria’s household is due to understand the situation better.

[26]. This is what Queen Leonor of Aragon (1405/08–1445) did, for example. ANA MARIA S. A. RODRIGUES: «La casa de Doña Leonor de Aragón, reina de Portugal (1433–1445): Formación y desintegración de un instrumento de poder femenino», in Maria Isabel del Val Valdivieso and Cristina Segura Graiño (coord.), La participación de las mujeres en lo político. Mediación, representación y toma de decisiones, Madrid, Almudayna, 2011, pp. 246–247.

[27]. As was the case of Queen Philippa of Lancaster (1360–1415). MANUELA SANTOS SILVA: «The Portuguese Household of an English Queen: Sources, Purpose, Social Meaning», in Theresa Earenfight (ed), Royal and Elite Households in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. More than Just a Castle, Leiden, Brill, 2018, p. 280.

[28]. On the different categories of Queen Maria’s household expenses, see: OLAIA, RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure», pp. 645–646.

[29]. HEAL: The Power of Gifts, pp. 31–59.

[30]. In 1506. OLAIA, RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure», p. 652.

[31]. In 1503. OLAIA, RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure», p. 649.

[32]. OLAIA, RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure», p. 666.

[33]. See Figure 1.

[34]. K. PATRICK FAZIOLI: «Modeling the Middle Ages: A Review of Historical Network Research on Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean World», in Michael J. Kelly and K. Patrick Fazioli (eds.), Social and Intellectual Networking in the Early Middle Ages, Earth Milky Way, Punctum Books, 2023, p. 44.

[35]. M., fol. 7v., 2nd.

[36]. M., fol. 49r., 2nd.

[37]. M., fol. 12v., 9th.

[38]. M., fol. 38r., 2nd.

[39]. M. fols. 28v., 10th; 32r., 1st; 36r., 3rd.

[40]. DE LA TORRE, SUAREZ FERNÁNDEZ: Documentos referentes a las relaciones, p. 68.

[41]. OLAIA, RODRIGUES: «Reginal Income and Expenditure», p. 664.

[42]. M., fols. 10r., 5th; 10v., 7th.

[43]. M., fols. 6r., 2nd; 9r., 1st; fol. 28v., 4th; 36v., 1st.

[44]. RITA COSTA GOMES: The Making of a Court Society. Kings and Nobles in Late Medieval Portugal, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 65, 218–219.

[45]. M., fol. 28v., 4th.

[46]. M., fol. 39r., 4th.

[47]. PAULA MARTÍNEZ HERNÁNDEZ: Financieros y gestores vascos en la corte castellana a fines de la edad media: el tesorero Ochoa de Landa, PhD Thesis, University of País Vasco, 2017, pp. 138–139.

[48]. Lope de Robles, keeper of the queen’s silver, received 80,000 maravedis (M., fol. 39v., 5th), while one of the guards (porteiro) received only 20,000 maravedis (M., fol. 41r., 10th), the same amount given to the tailor (M., fol. 9r, 1st); and one reposteiro got 40,000 maravedis (M., fol. 6r., 2nd). The lowest amount recorded was for a male nurse, but it is not clear if he was a member of the queen’s household (M., fol. 36v., 1st). Marriage gifts stopped being recorded in 1507.

[49]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, pp. 284–285

[50]. Her sister Isabel likewise made bequests to members of her household in her now lost will. King Manuel hastened to settle them even before returning to Portugal. See RUTH MARTÍNEZ ALCORLO: Isabel de Castilla y Aragón. Princesa y reina de Portugal (1470–1498), Madrid, Sílex, 2021, pp. 230-231.

[51]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (primera parte)», n. 12, p. 165.

[52]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, p. 290.

[53]. Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Corpo Cronológico, Parte I, mç. 21, n.º 95.

[54]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, p. 286 and SOUSA: Provas, pp. 376–377.

[55]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (primera parte)», n. 12, p. 165.

[56]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, pp. 284–286.

[57]. ÁVILA SEOANE: «Documentos… Maria (segunda parte)», n. 93, p. 288.

[58]. M., fols. 10r., 8th; 24v., 8th; 31r., 4th.

[59]. M., fol. 38r., 5th.

[60]. The granting of rewards (albricias) to those who brought good news was a common practice at the court of Isabel the Catholic. Various examples are found in her accounts, notably in ROSANA DE ANDRÉS DÍAZ: El último decenio del reinado de Isabel la Católica a través de la tesorería de Alonso de Morales (1495–1504), Valladolid, Universidad de Valladolid, 2004, CD-ROM nos. 538, 539, 3.031, 3.421 and 4695.

[61]. M., fols. 18v., 3rd; 27r., 5th; 37r., 6th.

[62]. DE LA TORRE, SUAREZ FERNANDEZ, Documentos referentes a las relaciones, pp. 68-69.

[63]. M., fol. 3v., 8th.

[64]. M., fols. 12r., 4th, 6th, 7th; 16r., 5th.

[65]. Without mentioning to whom the mourning relates – M., fol. 31v., 6th.

[66]. M., fol. 41r, 8th.

[67]. M., fols. 5r., 2nd; 14r., 2nd, 4th.

[68]. Requested to go to India. M., fols. 13v., 4th.

[69]. The male nurse was already mentioned, since he received a marriage gift and it is unclear if he was part of the queen’s household (M., fol. 36v., 1st); a second nurse received a simple gift (M., fol. 44v., 4th); the surgeon appears also receiving a simple gift (M., fol. 41r., 6th).

[70]. M. fols. 39r., 3rd. Sum recorded in cruzados de ouro and without further explanation.

[71]. M., fols. 16r., 6th; 24r., 1st.

[72]. M., fol. 37r., 7th.

[73]. CHRISTINE DE PIZAN: O Livro das Tres Vertudes: A Insinança das Damas, ed. Maria de Lurdes Crispim, Lisboa, Caminho, 2002, p. 124

[74]. The account book places the payment to the dancers in Tomar, in May 1506 (M., fol. 39r., 3rd); the book also reports that Maria was in Abrantes between March and April (M., fols. 38r.-v.). The queen’s itinerary, based on other written sources, agrees with these references. RODRIGUES, OLAIA, «L’expressió territorial», pp. 146, 167.